. Various editions of this collection, entitled I Write What I Like, have appeared many times since. His charismatic personality drew people to him. Activists worked closely with radical priests and ecumenical organizations, significantly putting these Christian ideals into action.7, In September of 1971, the Christian Institute and the South African Council of Churches appointed Bennie Khoapa as the director of a division of their Special Project on Christian Action in Society (Spro-cas 2). Saleem Badat and Thomas Karis and Gerhart’s work in the late 1990s presaged greater historical analysis and summary of the movement found in subsequent works.18 For example, in 2006, Mbulelo Mzamane, Bavusile Maaba, and Nkosinathi Biko’s chapter in The Road to Democracy in South Africa, vol. Former friends and activists remember Biko as one who enabled others, rather than seeking leadership roles. This philosophy redefined “black” as an inclusive, positive identity and taught that black South Africans could make meaningful change in their society if “conscientized” or awakened to their self-worth and the need for activism. His schooling had also been interrupted, leaving him at home to think while his peers busied themselves with school work. The first step therefore is to make the black man come to himself; to pump back life into his empty shell; to infuse him with pride and dignity, to remind him of his complicity in the crime of allowing himself to be misused and therefore letting evil reign supreme in the country of his birth.3. Mzamane, “The Impact of Black Consciousness on Culture.”. But Biko also found ways to circumvent police surveillance and to challenge their authority. . Even if their mental attitude can somehow immitate blackness. SASO leader Onkgopotse Abraham Tiro, expelled from the University of the North, and other SASO students ended up teaching in high schools in Soweto. 4. While many parts of the African continent gained independence, the apartheid state increased its repression of black liberation movements in the 1960s. 2: Steve Biko, “White Racism and Black Consciousness,” in I Write What I Like: Selected Writings, ed. Black consciousness is not what it used to be and the hallowed ground it … Mosibudi Mangena, On Your Own: Evolution of Black Consciousness in South Africa/Azania (Braamfontein, South Africa: Skotaville, 1989); Themba Sono, Reflections on the Origin of Black Consciousness in South Africa (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 1993); Mamphela Ramphele, Across Boundaries: The Journey of a South African Woman Leader (New York: Feminist Press, 1996), also published as Mamphela Ramphele: A Life (Cape Town: David Philip, 1995); Chris van Wyk, ed., We Write What We Like: Celebrating Steve Biko (Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2007); Andile M-Afrika, The Eyes that Lit Our Lives: A Tribute to Steve Biko (King William’s Town, South Africa: Eyeball Publishers, 2010); Andile M-Afrika, Touched by Biko (Pretoria: Unisa Press, 2016). For example, a group of black students and actors from Durban, many of Indian descent, performed their plays at SASO events (these activists formed the Theatre Council of Natal or TECON as well as the South African Black Theatre Union or SABTU). 2 (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2006), 141; Sipho Buthelezi “The Emergence of Black Consciousness: An Historical Appraisal,” in Bounds of Possibility: The Legacy of Steve Biko and Black Consciousness, ed. When the case was brought to the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the hearings shed further light on the physical struggle that led to Biko’s death and the medical doctors’ complicity but left members of the Biko family dissatisfied with the police officers’ disclosure. Poets such as Oswald Mtshali, Mongane Wally Serote, Don Mattera, Mafika Pascal Gwala, and James Matthews, among others, similarly dealt with black oppression and sought to inspire hope in black self-determination with positive images and themes of resistance and redemption. Using the pseudonym Frank Talk, he instituted a series in SASO’s newsletter entitled, “I Write What I Like,” where he tackled a number of issues and explained Black Consciousness. In 1964, he continued his schooling at St. Francis College, a Roman Catholic school in Mariannhill in the then Natal province. Activists formed the Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO) in 1978 to carry on Black Consciousness ideals, though the movement in general waned after Biko’s death. Yet, many works reiterate common themes with an emphasis on Biko’s intellectual and political work. Though female students were involved in the movement from the beginning—prominent SASO women include Vuyelwa Mashalaba, Deborah Matshoba, Daphne Matshoba, Lindelwe Mabandla, Mamphela Ramphele, Thenjiwe Mthintso—the movement was dominated by male students. Many scholars and writers have been inspired by Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness movement. Across the country, the paramilitary police came out in force, killing hundreds of teenagers and imprisoning thousands. Ramphele established the Ithuseng Community Health Centre in Tzaneen, where she had been banned, based on the Zanempilo Community Health Centre model. A definition of Black Consciousness by Bantu Stephen Biko as part of a research paper for a SASO leadership training course in December 1971. Each campus group ran projects in neighboring communities, such as volunteering in local clinics, helping to secure a clean water supply, and running education and literacy programs. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History, Department of History, Brigham Young University, Early States and State Formation in Africa, Historical Preservation and Cultural Heritage, https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.83, Google Arts and Culture Institute: Steve Biko. A few weeks later, the government banned all Black Consciousness–related organizations including SASO, the BCP, the BPC, and other sympathetic organizations, newspapers, and individuals. FOREWORD TO THE 2008 EDITION Ziauddin Sardar I think it would be good if certain things were said: Fanon and the epidemiology of oppression The opening gambit of Black Skin, White Masks ushers us towards an imminent … If Biko were alive he would disappointed by the levels of societal ills such as xenophobia, crimes, declining morality among Black Africans. It seems … You could not be signed in, please check and try again. . As a university student, Biko had been involved with the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), a … . Mzamane, Maaba, and Biko, “The Black Consciousness Movement”; Peterson, “Culture, Resistance and Representation.”. Furthermore, after 1977, the movement was more diffused, resulting in a less cohesive archive for this time period. Sympathetic whites were encouraged to form their own organizations to fight apartheid, but Biko and other leaders believed that it was important for black South Africans to take control of their own destinies, rather than relying on white support to bring their freedom. 17. . Other activists took their conscientized outlook with them as they joined various existing organizations such as the ANC and the PAC. Without a positive, creative sense of self, black people would not challenge the status quo. Foremost among these activists was Steve Biko. The Black Consciousness movement of South Africa instigated a social, cultural, and political awakening in the country in the 1970s. This collection brings together sources from major public and personal archives concerning Biko, Black Consciousness, Black community programs of the 1970s, and many of Biko’s contemporaries. One cannot escape his own blackness. . The Black Consciousness movement of South Africa instigated a social, cultural, and political awakening in the country in the 1970s. Biko’s scholastic achievements won him a spot at the UNB medical school, the only place where black people could study medicine during apartheid. But the movement was also about immediate and relevant action that would make South Africans self-reliant. . A significant part of the struggle generation’s activism was inspired by Biko’s Black Consciousness philosophy from the late 1960s. become . Sam Nolutshungu’s Changing South Africa: Political Considerations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982) also falls in this category, as does Craig Charney, “Civil Society vs. the State: Identity, Institutions, and the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa” (PhD diss., Yale University, 2000). A core idea within the Black Consciousness Movement was the need for blacks to change their mentality and free their minds from the ideas of inferiority that apartheid had long encouraged. . If they are true liberals they must realise that they themselves are oppressed, and that they must fight for their own freedom and not that of the nebulous “they” [blacks] with whom they can hardly claim identification. Confrontation with the state escalated first in 1972, when Tiro, the Student Representative Council president at the University of the North, gave a speech criticizing the university’s white leadership and the racial discrimination infused in its education. The link was not copied. If we take this as our starting point then we begin to … For them, Black Consciousness was an “attitude of mind” and “way of life” that black people needed to adopt, no matter what political organization they belonged to. The BCP eventually moved to run its own projects when activists working for the organization found themselves restricted to their home areas by banning orders in 1973. Aware of the way the state cracked down on resistance in the early 1960s, SASO leaders deliberately avoided confrontation with the state in order to evade crippling state action. often quoted statement was, “[Malawi] is a black man’s country; any white man who does not like it must pack up and go.” . Activists learned to outwit the police. . They felt that in general, black people had accepted their own inferiority in society. In 1968, he co-founded the South African Students’ Organisation (SASO). Internalized Self Hate. He also famously befriended Donald Woods, the white East London Daily Dispatch newspaper editor, which gave the movement inroads into the media and other networks. Black students at various universities, especially at the University of Natal Medical School–Black Section (UNB), the University of Fort Hare, and the University of the North at Turfloop, became increasingly frustrated with the limits of white student leadership in multiracial organizations. 9. . . I am not sneering at the liberals and their involvement. He agreed with Fanon that blacks were suffering from an inferiority complex. 7. Daniel Magaziner described them as “autonomous shoppers in the marketplace of ideas.”1 SASO students studied Franz Fanon’s analysis of the psychological impact of colonialism, Jean-Paul Sartre’s dialectical analysis, Zambia’s K. K. Kaunda’s African humanism, and Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere’s version of African socialism that emphasized self-reliance and development for liberation. When the police found out they had detained two leaders of the Black Consciousness movement, they arrested the two and sent them to security police headquarters in Port Elizabeth. Read an excerpt from The Testimony of Steve Biko – a conversation between David Soggot (italics), senior counsel for the defence, and Steve Biko: *** When you have phrases such as ‘Black is Beautiful,’ now, would that sort of phrase fit in with the Black Consciousness approach? . (The PAC and AZAPO have also clashed at times.15) Activists in exile formed the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA) as a sort of wing to AZAPO that operated in the 1980s. At first the government said Biko had died of a hunger strike. Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda’s . He set up an Eastern Cape branch of the BCP in King William’s Town, from where he helped establish the Zanempilo clinic, took over the Njwaxa project, ran the BCP office and resource center, continued to assist with publications, and started other bursary and grocery coop programs in Ginsberg. This experience politicized Biko. However, activists regrouped in various ways to continue their work. Bounds of Possibility, a volume edited by Biko’s former colleagues and activists, included a brief biography of Biko and commemorative essays as well as various examinations of different aspects of the movement. Wien, 2013 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 057 390 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Individuelles Diplomstudium Internationale Entwicklung Betreut von: Mag. Former Minister of Justice Dr. A. M. Omar addresses South Africa’s struggle to achieve a single national identity considering the country’s inherent diversity and its legacy of apartheid. They wanted to make South Africa African in the end (though they had a vaguely defined future) but used a political definition of black that referred to a shared experience and outlook that was more cosmopolitan in celebrating black values and culture. Julian Brown, “An Experiment in Confrontation: The Pro-Frelimo Rallies of 1974,” Journal of Southern African Studies 38.1 (2012): 55–71. The minister of justice declared the rallies illegal just before they were to take place. The “facts” by which we measure the merit of President Mbeki (as a Black) are those of a mysterious and sublime quality. In the first two paragraphs of the essay, Biko talks about the chasm between whites and blacks in South Africa. BCP publications encouraged black publishing in South Africa and became a trusted source of positive information in black communities. Among the criticisms Biko raises against white liberals is that they operate out of guilt and, consequently, their objection to apartheid is weak. Chapter 5 of Black Skin, White Masks is entitled “The Fact of Blackness." And finally, “The Black Consciousness Movement of South Africa—Material from the collection of Gail Gerhart,” filmed for the Cooperative Africana Microform Project (CAMP) is available on microfilm at the Center for Research Libraries in Chicago, Illinois. Articulate and charismatic, Steve Biko was one of the movement’s foremost instigators and prolific writers. The Fact of Blackness, the fifth chapter of Frantz Fanon’s Black Skins, White Masks, is not an answer or an explanation to the statement that is the title, rather it is an insight into the inner turmoil and tense soliloquy that Fanon is experiencing. First, they defined black as a new positive definition that included all people of color discriminated against by the color of their skin. In other words, it sought a full liberation of black South Africans by starting at the level of the individual, an approach not overtly political to begin with. Whites can never be black. In 1973, his banning sent him back to Ginsberg. Pityana et al. Dr. Arno Sonderegger . . This then is what makes us believe that white power presents its self as a Saleem Badat, Black Student Politics, Higher Education and Apartheid: From SASO to SANSCO, 1968–1990 (Pretoria: Human Science Research Council, 1999); Thomas Karis and Gail M. Gerhart, From Protest to Challenge, vol. Interrogated by police and expelled from Lovedale, Biko was left with "a strong resentment towards white authority" 1 that shaped his future activism and philosophy.The Black Consciousness Movement was the product and response to the increasing formalization of apartheid racism. Both economic prosperity and greater government control led to higher numbers of black students in primary and secondary schools and the expansion of black universities, segregated according to ethnicity. Some even accused SASO of promoting reverse racism. 5 The Fact of Blackness 82 6 The Negro and Psychopathology 109 7 The Negro and Recognition 163 8 By Way of Conclusion 174 Index 182 Fanon 00 pre v 4/7/08 14:17:00. Not only have the whites been guilty of being on the offensive but, by some skillful manoeuvres, they have managed to control the responses of the blacks to the provocation. . . How many white people fighting for their version of a change in South Africa are really motivated by genuine concern and not by guilt? The philosophy spawned radicalism characterised by … The TRC denied amnesty to all of the police officers involved in the hearings. The Black Consciousness movement became one of the most influential anti-apartheid movements of the 1970s in South Africa. Do you agree? There were also a number of sports clubs. He also continued to be involved politically, despite constant police surveillance and attempts to arrest and detain him, and started studying for a law degree by correspondence. How Biko posits this argument is that the liberals who adopt a nonracial approach are in fact “claiming a “monopoly on intelligence and moral judgment” and setting the pattern and pace for the realization of the black man’s aspirations.” (Biko, 1987, p. 21). The growth of awareness among South African blacks has often been ascribed to influence from the American “Negro” movement. These include Biko’s writings, literary and organizational publications, memoirs and interviews published in edited volumes. The Overcoming Apartheid website includes a multimedia resource page on the Black Consciousness movement with interviews from various activists. 5, Nadir and Resurgence, 1964–1979 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997). Indeed His will shall be done but it will not appeal equally to all mortals for indeed we have different versions of his will. He served as SASO’s first president. SASO came to strongly reject the participation of black South Africans in any apartheid institution that emphasized ethnic separation (including the so-called African homelands). Almost all remember his good characteristics (although his peers are more willing to recognize his faults). Registered to the University of Natal’s Black Section in Durban, Biko was a registered student of medicine but quickly flourished into a spokesperson for Black emancipation. Politically, the decade from 1960 to 1970 was a period of deafening silence among black South Africans. The phrase “Black man you are on your own” became a slogan of the movement. . This led to further arrests and detentions of activists and a publicized court case that essentially put Black Consciousness on trial (State v. Cooper et al., also known as the SASO-BPC trial). Yet many have claimed Biko as a progenitor or hero. The value of Biko’s framing still resonates today and unity in the quest for self-determination and agency in identity is still needed. When the South African government understood the threat Black Consciousness posed to apartheid, it worked to silence the movement and its leaders. The BPC even elected him as an honorary president in 1977 to give him authority to cultivate unity among the various black political groups in the country at the time. Some of these materials have been digitized and can be accessed online through the archive’s website. (Cape Town: David Philip, 1991), 214–227; Pumla Gqola, “Contradictory Locations: Blackwomen and the Discourse of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in South Africa,” Meridians 2.1 (2001): 130–152; Daniel Magaziner, “Pieces of a (Wo)man: Feminism, Gender, and Adulthood in Black Consciousness, 1968–1977,” Journal of Southern African Studies 37.1 (2011): 45–61; Leslie Hadfield, “Challenging the Status Quo: Young Women and Men in Black Consciousness Community Work, 1970s South Africa,” Journal of African History 54.2 (July 2013), 247–267. Those advocating a more direct confrontation with the state had already begun to join armed organizations outside the country. Magaziner, The Law and the Prophets; Leslie Anne Hadfield, Liberation and Development. A particularly important move in this direction was the pro-FRELIMO rallies held at the University of the North and in Durban in September 1974 to celebrate the liberation of a neighboring country from European colonialism and express their support for the people of Mozambique. Sharpton says Biko became dangerous to the Apartheid state because he embodied the growing consciousness of black people about their worth, dignity, and rights. Thousands of people attended Biko’s funeral in King William’s Town. . 10. Daniel R. Magaziner, The Law and the Prophets: Black Consciousness in South Africa, 1968–1977 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010), 41. In 1969, Steve Biko and other black students frustrated with white leadership in multi-racial student organizations formed an exclusively black association. He saw the power that could come from organizing as blacks. : Contesting the Legacies of Steve Biko, eds. Black Consciousness spread widely among youth and was a major spark igniting the 1976 Soweto uprising and leading to a resurgence in the national freedom movement. Others look to Black Consciousness for answers about how to uproot residual colonialism. SASO began with a few black students who worked to recruit other students across black campuses. 2. The students learned from their experiences and drew upon the methodologies of Freire in particular to help them refine this work. “The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor [was] the mind of the oppressed,” Biko argued.2 Thus, Black Consciousness activists worked to change the black mindset, to look inward to build black capacity to realize their own liberation. Biko’s Challenge to Religion. 1. His The Law and the Prophets examined the movement’s intellectual history in the context of its time. For more on the Soweto Uprisings, see Sifiso Ndlovu, “The Soweto Uprising,” in The Road to Democracy in South Africa, vol. Not only have they kicked the black but they have also told him how to react to the kick. Steve Biko, I Write What I Like (Randburg, South Africa: Ravan Press, 1996), 68. Steve Biko was one of South Africa's most significant political activists, a prominent figure in the anti-apartheid struggle and a leading founder of South Africa's Black Consciousness Movement. 1971) and Samora (b. However, evidence from a postmortem examination proved that Biko had died of head injuries. A definition of Black Consciousness by Bantu Stephen Biko as part of a research paper for a SASO leadership training course in December 1971 We have defined blacks as those who are by law or tradition politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group in the South African society and identifying themselves as a unit in the struggle towards the realization of their aspirations. Membership did not grow as rapidly or as widely as the BPC hoped. Historical articles doing so include Ian Macqueen, “Resonances of Youth and Tensions of Race: Liberal Student Politics, White Radicals and Black Consciousness, 1968–1973,” South African Historical Journal 65.3 (2013): 365–382; Julian Brown, “SASO’s Reluctant Embrace of Public Forms of Protest, 1968–1972,” South African Historical Journal 62.4 (2010): 716–734; Anne Heffernan, “Black Consciousness’s Lost Leader: Abraham Tiro, the University of the North, and the Seeds of South Africa’s Student Movement in the 1970s,” Journal of Southern African Studies 41.1 (2015): 173–186. Biko’s mother subsequently supported her four children—Bukelwa, Khaya, Bantu, and Nobandile—by working as a domestic maid, then a cook at Grey Hospital in King William’s Town. Do you agree? The university expelled Tiro. At some stage one can foresee a situation where black people will feel they have nothing to live for and will shout out into their God: ‘Thy will be done’. One, Lorrain Tabane, gave birth to Biko’s daughter Motlatsi (b. For some, he stands as a revolutionary, while others see him as entrenched in community work. Without doubt, Steve Biko, the father of the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa, read ‘The Fact of Blackness.’ It seems that Biko (1996), like Fanon, reached that point that forced a black person, out of the quest for self-identity and self-determination, to make himself known. Copy this link, or click below to email it to a friend. SASO and the BCP held youth leadership conferences or formation schools that engaged students in critical social analysis and taught organizational skills. Pityana et al. Scholars of other disciplines such as art history and theology have continued to explore various parts of the movement and Biko’s impact in depth.25 Updated collections of Biko’s writings continue to be published. 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